Ideology in Advertising: Some Implications for Transcreation into Arabic La ideología en la publicidad: algunas implicaciones para la transcreación al árabe

Ideology has a twofold sense in advertising. One is general and aims to standardize the consumers' needs and traits by globalized means to persuade them to buy the products. The other is specific whereby the advertisement campaigns can introduce, reinforce, and /or challenge some ideological values as of politics, religion, race and gender. To sell globally, advertisements are translated into other languages. This requires adjusting the ideological values to the Target Language (TL) audience. When the ideological dimension of the TL is given priority, transcreation, instead of translation per se, becomes the best choice. Unlike the traditional translator who is expected to be faithful to the Source Language (SL), the transcreator should always maintain proximity to the TL ideology so as to avoid unwanted sensitivities of the TL audience and should adopt creative ideas in order to achieve resonance in the TL. The present paper aims to investigate the implications of advertising ideology for transcreation into Arabic. The global advertisement campaigners seem to be aware that Arabic and Islam represent a unified ideology represented in values of national identity, politics, and gender. Most transcreation of these campaigns have achieved both proximity to the TL audience and creativity of ideas that do not clash with the ideological status quo in the Arab World. But despite the laudable reputation of transcreation nowadays in the Translation Studies literature as the best strategy of advertisement translation, it looks like it cannot escape the twofold sense of ideology in those texts. While it does embrace diversity of ideological values of SL and TL, an advertisement campaign transcreation is unable to outbalance the general and more solid ideology of standardizing the consumers' needs and motives.

Resumen: La ideología tiene un doble sentido en la publicidad, uno es general y apunta a estandarizar las necesidades y rasgos de los consumidores por medios globalizados para persuadirlos a comprar los productos. El otro es específico por el cual las campañas publicitarias pueden introducir, reforzar y/o desafiar algunos valores ideológicos como la política, la religión, la raza y el género. Para vender a nivel mundial, los anuncios se traducen a otros idiomas. Esto requiere ajustar los valores ideológicos a la audiencia del lenguaje objetivo (TL). Cuando se da prioridad a la dimensión ideológica del lenguaje objetivo, la transcreación, en lugar de la traducción per se, se convierte en la mejor opción. A diferencia del traductor tradicional que se espera que sea fiel al lenguaje fuente (SL). El transcreator siempre debe mantener la proximidad a la ideología el lenguaje objetivo para evitar sensibilidades no deseadas de la audiencia del lenguaje objetivo y debe adoptar ideas creativas para lograr resonancia en el lenguaje objetivo. El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como objetivo estudiar las implicaciones de la ideología publicitaria para la transcreación al árabe. Los activistas de la campaña publicitaria global parecen ser conscientes de que el árabe y el islam representan una ideología unificada representada en los valores de identidad nacional, política y género. La mayoría de las transcreaciones de estas campañas han alcanzado tanto la proximidad a la audiencia del lenguaje objetivo como la creatividad de ideas que no choquen con el status quo ideológico en el mundo árabe. Pero a pesar de la reputación elogiable de la transcreación actual en la literatura de Estudios de Traducción como la mejor estrategia de traducción de anuncios, parece que no puede escapar al doble sentido de la ideología en esos textos. Si bien abarca la diversidad de valores ideológicos del lenguaje fuente y el lenguaje objetivo, una campaña de publicidad de trascreación es incapaz de superar la ideología general y más sólida de estandarizar las necesidades y los motivos de los consumidores INTRODUCTION Advertising is a compelling factor that both moulds and reflects all human beings' everyday lives. Advertisements (ads) appear on television, radio, newspapers, roads and the internet with a pervasive purpose: marketing and selling products by following specific ideologies .Ideology can be "the mental frameworks-the languages, the concepts, categories, imagery of thought, and the systems of representation-which different classes and social groups deploy in order to make sense of, define, figure out and render intelligible the way society works" (Hall,1996: 26).This means it may be represented verbally (linguistically) and/or non-verbally (audio-visually). It is often argued that ideology and culture overlap conceptually, but ideology brings a political dimension and power relations to the shared terrain (Storey, 2009:5). Ideology has been studied according to too many different areas of inquiry. The present study does not claim to have followed a specific approach. Only the areas that have bearing on both of advertising and translation/transcreation will be considered in the present study.
In the age of globalized ad campaigns, it has become essential for multinational companies to consider translating their ads to other audiences. It was only from the year 2000 onwards that systematic research into ad translation per se started. The translators and Translation Studies (TS) researchers are aware that ads translation is not confined to its linguistic dimension. In harmony with Hall's (1996) definition above, ideology in the translational perspective is seen as " The conceptual grid that consists of opinions and attitudes deemed acceptable in a certain society at a certain time and through which readers and translators approach texts" (Lefevere, 1998: 48). Thus, it is inevitable for the translator to consider any ideological factors in ads to persuade the Target Language (TL) audience to buy the products. To account for such consideration, the traditional sense of ad translation is transcended by another practice: 'transcreation', which has become the answer to successful ad campaigns directed to other audiences. The age-old emphasis on faithfulness to the Source Language (SL) becomes subordinate in transcreation. An ad transcreator needs to completely recreate the SL ad concepts (see 3, below).The term ' transcreation' has theoretically and practically become a constant in many studies concerned with advertising translation (see Benetello, 2018, Pederson, 2014, Gaballo, 2012, Humphrey et al, 2011and Ray and Kelly, 2010. Because the Middle East is one of the largest markets for a huge number of products, transcreation for Arab audience has become a priority for any global ad campaigner. The concept has not yet gained currency inthe literature concerned with English-into-Arabic ad translation despite the fact that transcreation has already been practiced widely by global ad campaigns in the Middle East. Most of these works were persistently confined to the traditional translation strategies. Alagha (2006), for instance, studied the strategies used to translate phrases in fast food ads, such as borrowing and transliteration, and examined them in terms of degrees of acceptance by the TL audience. Similarly, Abu Shehab (2011) explored the translation strategies and linguistic inaccuracies found in the TL texts of brochures of personal care products. Besides the strategies of literal versus free translations, Ayadi (2017) referred to "adaptations" by which the intended effect of the ad slogans could be achieved in the TL texts. Whatever the strategy may be, it must affect the TL audience, as advocated by Hamade (2008) who also called for investigating the limitations of ad translation into Arabic as a separate genre. Since any ad is originally intended for a specific audience, the role of translation would be "moulding" it into a new one that influences a different audience (Chidiac and Saliba: 2016). To maintain the function of an ad in the TL, Boziane (2016) suggested to use both of Vermeer's (1989) 'skopostheorie ' and Venuti's (1995) 'foreignization' .The former would help to adjust the ad to the local norms, while the latter may preserve some key textual elements (Boziane, 2016: 145). Venuti's (1995) pair of "domestication versus foreignization" could have been used instead, and the findings would not be much different. It should be admitted, however, that the senses of both ideology and transcreation may not be entirely absent in the last two studies though not specifically discerned or stated.
The present study aims to investigate the role of ideology as an operating factor of advertising in the transcreations of English ad campaigns for the Arabic-speaking world. It is hypothesized that: a) Any global ad campaign is dominated by an ideology which does not only intend to sell more but also to globalise (standardize) the consumers' tastes and needs. b) Any global ad campaign inherently aims to introduce, reinforce and/or change some ideological values as of gender, race, religion or politics. c) Translation per se is too limited to account for ads ideology. Thus, transcreation is the more preferable term.
d) The ad campaign ideology has unexpectedly interesting and practical implications for transcreation for the Arab audience. e) An ad transcreation may or may not involve changes of ideology to ensure resonance in the TL.
To (in)validate the aforementioned hypotheses has proved to be challenging because the concepts of ideology in ads, ideology translation, ad translation and transcreation of ad ideology are woven together in a dense fabric of relationships. It is found more convenient firstly to disentangle this fabric by describing them in pairs and secondly to analyse the implications for transcreation. Specific examples are selected from a variety of global ad campaigns which are believed to be representative of the common trends of ad transcreation for the Arab audience .They are investigated with a view to seeing how ideologies of SL ad campaigns are transcreated to influence Arab customers. The selection of the ads in the present study is made for strictly academic reasons, and with no intention to promote or market any of the products or brands. It should also be stated that no infringement of the copyright of any verbal and/or non-verbal texts which are used for illustration in this study, is intended.
To the best knowledge of the present writer, the concept of ideology as an essential aspect of advertising practice has not been tackled extensively, especially in terms of its implications for transcreation in general and from English to Arabic in particular.

IDEOLOGY IN ADVERTISING
Advertisers work to discover the preferences and needs of consumers to decide how to convince them that their products are the best to buy. Persuading others to do something is roughly affecting their beliefs and desires. Citing Sperber and Wilson (1995), Taillard (2000) shows that to persuade an audience to believe something can be done in two ways. One may undertake an efficient, overt communication to secure the audience's attention and make it mutually manifest that he intends to convey a particular piece of information. On the other hand, information may be put across in a "covert" way, in which case one does not make the informative intention mutually manifest and leaves it up to the audience to either pick up on the information, or not (Taillard, 2000: 155). The audience will respond to the producer's straightforward intention in an overt communication, such as when an I Phone ad announces its features. But, in covert communication, like when using humour to give information. Such expectation is not necessarily present since the intention remains hidden. However, to persuade does not imply to lie to the consumers but to address their beliefs, values, and expectations. This can be done by "positioning technique" which involves" targeting of a product for the right people" (Beasley and Danesi, 2002: 12). For instance, young male executives who believe in the value of showing off their material possessions may be targeted by Hugo Boss or Omega brands which evolve usually around one's status, self-enhancement, recognition, or group appeal. The values of being cool and trendy are exploited by fashion brands to target teens. Housewives are targets of detergent brands which promote values of high quality and money saving simultaneously. These practices may also be seen to reflect the 'power relations' between advertisers and consumers , which should lead to an assumption that behind any ad there must be a covert purpose, or that the aim of the ad is to reinforce or change a dominant ideology.
Ideology is a focal point in many key studies which conceptualize its role in ad analysis in a seemingly distinctive manner. Williamson (1978) believes that any system of values constitutes an ideology and acknowledges that values do not exist in things per se, but in their conveyance. Moreover, she states that ideology is always that which we are not aware of, for in ideology, we make assumptions that we do not question because we already perceive them as true. For Williamson (1978: 25), ideology works through us and not at us, because we are active participants in it. Speaking from the semiological and structuralist perspectives, Williamson (1978) contends that our ideologies are at work in the transference of values between meaning systems of referent and products in advertising. For example, diamonds may be marketed by linking them to eternal love. The material is no longer a rock but a sign of love and endurance, because of value transference. Throughout its history, the Chanel 5 perfume brand has used many female cinema stars by placing their images and the Chanel bottle together in one ad. Doing so, advertisers want us to assign to Chanel the same meaning we have assigned to these stars in films and such transference exists only in those ads. This belongs to "Signification System" in advertising which involves generating a set of meanings for a product by systematically associating brand names, logos and ad texts with implicit values of desire, lifestyle, etc. (Beasley and Danes, 2002: 23). This case could be described by Goldman (1992: 6) as constructing a social illusion by promoting a different vision of the world. Again, ideology is at work here.
Ads are also seen powerful enough as to be platforms through which socio-cultural, political, and economic ideologies representations of gender, race or beauty values can be reinforced or changed (Shields, 2012). An ideology, then, is linked to a specific culture where beliefs and values may dictate our behaviour towards the opposite sex or the different race. Ads capture the essence of culture by feeding off our strengths, weaknesses, and desires to reinforce ideologies that defend the status quo. Clearly, our status quo is our daily decisions which are expected to conform to society's cultural values. In a Burger King ad of crispy chicken wrap featured an African American woman eating the product and singing, it contributed to the popular stereotype that black people in the USA like fried chicken. The ad is believed to have supported this dominant ideology of African Americans; and hence, reinforce it (Shields, 2012). In conformity with the common ideological values, ads in the Arab world tend to feature women modestlydressed or wearing hijabs (head covers). Ads may also challenge a prevailing ideology to sell more. The US-based Billie razor brand launched in June 2018 a new ad showing women actually shaving their body hair (BBC,2018) Usually, ads for women razors show plastic-perfect airbrushed smooth legs. The ad in question was lauded widely in the social media because Billie said it wanted to remove the stigma of body hair by embracing it as physiologically normal and it would be a woman's choice to shave it or not. The ad, however, was accused by an Indian feminist of trying to hijack feminism because it represented the idea that women empowerment could simply be bought off at the supermarket shelves (Kaur, 2018).
On the other hand, the concept of ideology in ads has acquired a positive (or at least a neutral) sense nowadays. Instead of its negative hegemonic nature, an ad ideology is seen as a set of ideas, beliefs and moral values that translate into a set of brand choices culminating in "a perfect place rich in values, encouraging a type of ethically-grounded acquisition, where consumers find that purchasing and partaking they adhere to an ethical model that help them gain or regain morality" (Borghini et al, 2009: 371, as found in Massa and Testa, 2011: 111). So, consumers are not merely passive recipients of ideology and make it theirs. They have their own interpretations of ideology and make purchasing decisions that serve as input for advertising. Set in a cultural economic context, Massa and Testa (2011) study an ideology-focused food retailer and how it could increase its sales by adhering to business ethics .The ethical issues assume particular relevance as consumers are growing more concerned about safety, health, matters of conscience such as animal welfare and labour standards (Massa and Testa, 2011: 110). Therefore, producers who stand for a certain social ideology of honesty and integrity can create a competitive advantage for themselves over others.
Ideology-motivated ads seem to be inevitable despite the 2000s shift of attention towards 'branding' particularly in relation to popular culture and the new media. Advertising is used to enable brands to acquire cultural meanings, such as status distinctions. It is always the brand not commodity that matters . Arvidsson (2005: 236, as cited in Sinclair, 2015 contends that although it is people who create trust, affect and share meanings, the ads pick up on the these meanings and associate them with particular products (see Williamson's discussion above). Sinclair (2015: 45) argues that such a view is reflexive in the sense that it recognizes the rise of independent popular culture but seeks to bring it under the control of commercial interests. Obviously, 'control' is ideology, in our sense. Consumers become more reflexive in understanding their own responses to advertised goods. The social media contributed to spread the young consumers' parodies and spoofs of branded advertising that they described as manipulative and unauthentic (Sinclair, 2015: 45). This might negatively affect the sales. In return, ad agencies follow an ideology of exploiting the young consumers' behaviour by planting ads on the internet that may go viral, but it is undeniable that the social media may have led to a power shift from marketers to consumers , namely, bandwagonism.
Fiorella (2012) argues that brand ads must not only seek a great product but also a great idea, an ideology that can elicit passion and spark the imagination of the consumers instead of simply provide a utilitarian tool.
Seen positively, negatively, and/ or neutrally, ideology has proved to be an integral part of advertising.

IDEOLOGY IN TRANSLATION
Translators, generally, tend to let their knowledge and previous experience, which are governed by ideological norms, control their work. They submit to being guided by what their ideological background imposes on their decisions (Robinson, 2001: 42) Translators will have as well to conform to the ideological constraints of the TL audience so as to ensure resonance in the TL text. This situation may have led Nord (2003: 111) to confirm that almost any decision in translation is consciously or unconsciously guided by ideological criteria.
Many TS scholars have foregrounded ideology at the expense of culture because the former encourages "greater critical thinking" (Calzada-Perez, 2003: 6). An ideological intervention takes place in the translation process when the translator (and all those involved) make selections governed by those who wield power (Fawcett and Munday, 2009:138). And it is presumed that any ideologically-motivated translation must include distortions, manipulations or even changes to the SL text. Léfevère (1992: 16) suggests that translation functions under the control of a "patronage" where three components are identified, as follows: a) The ideological component which constrains the choice of the subject and form of presentation.
b) The economic component which concerns the payment of translators or writers by the media, publishers, etc.
c) The status component: in return for economic payment, the beneficiary is to conform to the patron's expectations.
It seems that there is an 'inherent partiality' in translation since the choices made by the translators, editors, patrons, and commissioners may decide the impact on the target audience, whether repressive or subversive. This partiality is the outcome of the age-old axis of translation strategies: literal vs. free, and its evolvement into formal vs. dynamic (Nida, 1966), semantic vs. communicative (Newmark, 1981), foreignization vs. domestication (Venuti, 1995), all of which are dominated by faithfulness to either the SL or the TL respectively. The' in-between positionality' has evoked a static image of the translator who is always expected to be loyal to an ideology rather than the other. The view is dismissed as being misleading since the in-between position obscures the inevitable need to other agents such as, publishers, commissioners, employers and, in the present paper, ad campaigners, to make translation possible. Therefore, the translator should be imagined involved in a movement and not in a static position, fluctuant between the SL and the TL cultures where values, beliefs and practices may overlap. The translator does not move alone, but rather as an agent of a "collective action" (Tymoczko, 2002: 201).
It can be inferred from the remarks above that ideological considerations are always present in translation decision-making as they are significant in advertising.

ADVERTISING TRANSLATION AND/OR TRANSCREATION
The need to translate ads becomes urgent when giant companies decide to go global. It may be argued that the globalised economy has brought to life an unanimously agreed-upon ideology where the idea of 'diverse cultures' has become part of history. This could be the outcome of 'standardizing' the ad's original message in other languages. According to Guidere (2006), 'standardization', as a translation strategy, is justified by advertisers' conception of culture as global, which leads transnational consumers to have the same lifestyle and consumption habits. This may entail the use of English (as the present-age hegemonic language) in their ads which are directed to non-English speaking countries. Not all consumers have a sufficient command of English as argued by De Mooij (2004: 184-85) who lists some examples where Dutch and German consumers have missed the point in many English ads. The Dutch misunderstood the Fa's TV commercial "The spirit of freshness "as" The spirit of fitness", and the Germans confused Esso's "We are drivers too" as "We are two motorists"! Translation of ads is not limited to words only. Ads consist of concepts and values which may not be relevant to the TL audience. Moreover, a concept can be expressed visually for SL audience but verbally for others Demooij (2004: 196) recommends that ad translators should team with the copywriters and art directors and give advice about cultural and ideological aspects of SL and TL. The teamwork aims to make the internationalized campaigns motivate their consumers across cultures by appealing to their values and aspirations. Rodriguez (2015) admits that the translator is facing new challenges posed by the media specifically when dealing with ideologically-charged ad campaigns She finds a contradiction between two cases .First, due to globalization , there is no independent culture , and goods exported from western countries overcome any ideological boundaries; and second, the exercise of power as an ideology in the representation of women in dress ads translated to Arab markets where only modest attires prevail (Rodriguez, 2015:242).The translator witnesses the expansion of the limits of the traditional definition of translation which involves fidelity to SL. This expansion may require a new insightful look at translation of ad ideology in particular. Apart from the 'standardization' strategy, Guidere (2001:4) emphasizes the "ideological dimension" of the ad message which can only be represented in the TL by 'adaptation'. It is found more convenient to adapt these campaigns to be accepted by the TL audience. But has the term 'adaptation' gained currency with ads in TL?
Over the last few years, the concept of transcreation (instead of adaptation or translation) has reigned in the context of advertising. The term is not new. It was used in association with literary translation specifically in the tradition of Indian languages it was used by Lal (1974) to refer to his English translation of Sanskrit works. In the Indian tradition, transcreation is understood as the interpretation of the original work to suit the TL audience in a particular time and space. Jothiraj (2004: 166) alludes to the idea of ideology rewritten or adapted for the TL audience and states that the translator's role is meeting the demands of other people and situations, consequently, transcreation will in no way be an imitation of the original like translation is. Gaballo (2012) and Pedersen (2014) have seen a confusion between 'transcreation' and 'translation' and investigated the differences from the professional and theoretical perspectives. While other relevant concepts like adaptation, rewriting and localization may have their own legitimate statuses in TS, transcreation is still associated with one of them or the other (Torresi, 2014: 7).
But when compared to translation per se, ad transcreation is seen as "more than translation" (Pederson, 2014: 57) since it involves adaptation to persuade the TL audience. Gaballo (2012: 99) argues that a good translation already involves adaptation, therefore, a good translator will already be a transcreator and such difference of terms is pointless. But when an errorbased translation evaluation grid is applied to ad transcreation, for instance, it turns out that any translation-oriented error is not considered as such. The criterion is always whether to resonate with the TL consumers regardless of the faithful rendition of the SL (Benetello, 2018: 42).Such practices might have given transcreation an added value because they provoke a fresh awareness of the complexity of the translation process in a diversity of contexts and encourage rethinking the more traditional views (Schaffner, 2012: 881). Still, many scholars attribute this 'added value' to not only the translational skills of the transcreator but also to other professional sets of skills, requirements, and services. It requires a team mentality, proximity to the customer and in-country reviewers who may ensure transcreation quality. The outcome includes a hybrid of new content, adapted content and imagery, and straightforward translation (Ray and Kelly, 2010: 2) Transcreation is also seen by Gaballo (2012: 111) as a holistic approach that requires the ability to generate novel ideas and re-purpose them to TL customers. From a more professional perspective, Benetello (2018: 41) suggests the transcreator must be a translator, a copywriter, a cultural anthropologist, and a marketer. We may add that transcreators must also be native speakers and steeped in their community's ideological values in order to be able to evaluate ads and make sure they have no negative associations for the TL audience (see Puma example in 4.2 below).So they even better be not expatriates who may be very good translators into their own tongue, but may not be up-to-date with the changing ideologies of their original countries. A thorough knowledge of the laws and restrictions on ads in the TL countries and having flexible relations with clients are two additional requirements suggested by Torresi (2014: 8) who also maintains the impossibility of listing all the abilities of transcreators. The transcreator's work, after all, lies in producing an ad content that must resonate in the TL market.
To epitomize the present section, ad transcreation generally needs to achieve two complementary conditions: a) Proximity to the TL ideology to persuade the TL customers and avoid inciting any unwanted sensitivities.
b) The adoption of creative ideas without sacrificing the SL intent.
The situation looks like a dilemma that will unfold in the next section.

IMPLICATIONS FOR TRANSCREATION
With these two conditions in mind, some examples are examined to illustrate specifically the implications of ad ideologies for transcreation into Arabic. For convenience, the examples are classified into verbal(linguistic) and non-verbal(audio-visual). Such procedure does not suggest that a clearcut line can be drawn between the two. The classification is based upon two assumptions. First, any ad ideology can be manifested verbally and/or nonverbally. Second, a cross reference between both should be expected since they interact like any means of communication (Torresi, 2008: 64).

Verbal
The examples in Table1   ideologically convincing for the Arab audience since it also specifies an innocent type of touch. Touching other people is controlled by deeply-rooted rules and the word in Arabic could be religiously a taboo if not used cautiously. Without the addition of that adjective in TT, advertisers would have jeopardized the product image and offended the audience as well.
The same word, ‫ﻟﻣﺳﺔ‬ , however, is used in example 2. When it collocates with ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻥ‬ lit [amazing], the word ‫ﻟﻣﺳﺔ‬loses its concrete sense and indicates a "feeling" or a glimpse in Arabic.Thus, it is considered a successful compensation for SL "simply" and does not arouse the resentment of TL audience.  Originally, the concept of 'Black Friday' is applied to the day of sales after Thanksgiving in the USA. The practice of Black Friday sales seems to have been globalized and recently become a constant in some Arab countries. Scanning Table 2 above, it is clear that campaigners must have faced a twofold challenge in the transcreation of 'Black Friday ' for Arab consumers: a language-related challenge, and an ideological one.
'Black Friday' is an English language-specific idiom used by retailers who begin to turn a profit, thus be" in the black" as opposite to be "in the red", namely, owing to the bank (Wikipedia).The colour , here, is used figuratively. An idiom in language is a sequence of words, which is semantically restricted, so it functions as a single unit. Therefore, the meanings of its individual words cannot be summed to produce the meaning of the idiomatic expression as a whole (Crystal, 2008).The word-for-word rendering of Black Friday into Arabic will yield a none sense because the idiomatic feature will be lost . The colour black is not associated figuratively with making financial profits in Arabic.
Ideologically, if 'Black Friday' is rendered literally into Arabic, the religious sensitivities of consumers will definitely be offended. There is a firm belief that Friday, must never be described as black in Arabic. Like Saturday for Jews and Sunday for Christians, Friday is a sacred and a blessed day for Moslems. The 62 nd Chapter of the Holy Quran is called Friday, where God say" O ye who believe! When the call is proclaimed to prayer on Friday (the Day of Assembly), hasten earnestly to the Remembrance of Allah, and leave off business (and traffic): That is best for you if ye but knew! And when the Prayer is finished, then may ye disperse through the land, and seek of the Bounty of Allah. and celebrate the Praises of Allah often (and without stint): that ye may prosper" (Ali, 1946: Chapter 62, Verses 9 and 10 ) Moslems believe, for instance, that if they pray God for anything before sunset on Friday, their wishes will soon come true. As for the colour black, it signifies disgrace and sadness in Arabic. Again, a Quranic verse reads as follows" On the Day when some faces will be (lit up with) white, and some faces will be (in the gloom of) black: To those whose faces will be black, (will be said): "Did ye reject Faith after accepting it? Taste then the penalty for rejecting Faith." (Ali ,1946: Chapter 3, Verse 106).Ideologically, on the Doomsday ,the disbelievers' faces are associated with black colour because of sadness and shame of their evil deeds while the believers' faces are lit with white . So, how can a day like Friday, when God promises His worshippers of getting rewards (bounties and prosperity), be associated with disgrace or shame as suggested by the word "black"?
To guarantee a successful sales season, the colour ‫ﺍﻟﺳﻭﺩﺍء‬ lit. Two main observations of the other ten TTs should be explained. The first is that TTs 1. and 3., for instance, have kept the word "black" since it may look less offending in a language other than Arabic. This must be taken as axiomatic for "if you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his language that goes to his heart" (Nelson Mandela as quoted by Humphrey et al, 2011). And in heart lies the ideological values. It seems inevitable to simply accept that some concepts may not work in another language. The second observation is that all of them are in English. It should be fully understood that they have been treated in terms of transcreation where rules of transfer differ from translation per se .The transcreators have assumed that the majority of the mall's customers are familiar with English since it may be their second language of education, hence, the sales season should be a success. Generally, the transcreations had to conform to the ideological values of the TL audience to achieve the goals of the ad campaigns or promotions.
Through transcreation, the TL ideological values in the above examples were kept intact verbally.

Non-verbal
The non-verbal examples include the transcreation of ad campaigns as represented visually on TV or YouTube. How have their ideologies been reinforced or challenged in the interest of the TT audience?
The features of a 2017 Toyota Prius Hybrid are shown differently for different audiences. In the English video, a group of robbers in a western city leave the bank with bags of the stolen money. To flee the police, they ride a nearby car which happens to be a Prius Hybrid. During the thrilling chase, the video shows how the distinctive qualities of the car help them to escape the police (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2DwPW4U7KAk). In the Arabic transcreation, the qualities of the same car brand are compared to a hybrid falcon by an Arab falconer while practicing falconry and driving a Prius Hybrid on a desert road (Image 3 below https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s3iLpkwDNBk). The Arab ideological status quo is obviously reinforced rather than using the car by bandit's idea which would have been too dramatized and bizarre way to attract Arab consumers. Moreover, the choice of falconry(as an age-old customary practice among men in the region) is seen to indicate a strong tendency to show adherence to ideological values of national identity despite all the modern aspects that characterize the Arab Gulf States lifestyles.

Image 2 Toyota Prius-The Falcon
Source: Toyota (2018) Even with a universal theme of a detergent's function, namely, cleanness, a product ad campaign addresses it differently. In the USA ads, Tide is not only a detergent that cleans but also an "enabler" of the housewife who can send her husband and children out wearing the clothes that look right, lasting and good (Matheson, 2005: 37).In the Arabic ad campaign, the ideological value of looking good and proud is associated with the brightest shade of whiteness or fragrance Tide could bring to men's white outfits habitually worn in the gulf Arab states. An ad shows a man in the middle of the desert, proud of the snow-whiteness (not only cleanness) of his traditional outfit thanks to his wife's use of Tide (image 3 below https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b8vMeJG06xE).

Image 3 Tide keeps the whiteness of clothes
Source: Tide Arabia (2019) Looking good and proud for local women, on the other hand, is associated with preserving the intense blackness of their modest traditional robes, abbayas, which can be achieved by a Tide's special product (image 4 below https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CcyjiNnPAiQ).

Image 4. Tide keeps the intense blackness of clothes
Source: Tide Arabia (2019) But when an ideological status quo in a society is changed, advertisers must make use of this. International car companies have launched a series of ad campaigns transcreated into Arabic targeting Saudi women as their driving ban was lifted in June 2018. Most of these ads have utilized the ideology of women empowerment, freedom, and equality to sell more cars. For instance, Chevrolet, in March 2018 launched an anticipatory "Uptome" video showing Saudi women expressing their freedom of choice: to drive or not to drive (image 5. Below https://www.adsoftheworld.com/media/integrated/chevrolet_uptome)

Image 5. Uptome
Source: Chevrolet (2018) Women empowerment in the Middle East has become a favourite ideology advocated by many ad campaigns of western products. Nike, the giant sportswear manufacturer launched for the western world a 2017 ad campaign that inspires equality. The short film features well-known black and white athletes speaking about how equality should not be confined sports fields, it should be practiced everywhere (https://www.thedrum.com/news/2017/02/12/nike-uses-the-power-sport-takestand-equality-new-campaign). When the campaign was targeted to the Middle East, equality was transcreated into a more pressing case of encouraging women to challenge some ideological stereotypes in their communities. All the athletes in the Arabic-speaking film were females wearing Nike's modest sport outfits. They are featured trying to peacefullyconfront the ideological norms of their community by getting outside their homes to simply exercise without worrying about " ‫ﻋﻧﻙ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻳﻘﻭﻟﻭ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﺵ‬ " lit.[What will they say about you?"(https://www.thedrum.com/news/2017/02/20/nikemiddle-east-launches-bold-campaign-celebrate-female-athletes).
The question has an ideological connotation for any Arab girl who is brought up to ask it before doing anything that may be considered out of the limits drawn for her by "they" or the Others in the society. Against all odds, "women must be equal to men in participating in exercise publically" is the challenging ideology promoted by Nike's ad which certainly has caused a rise in women sportswear sales in the region (image 6. below).

Image 6. Nike ad
Source: Aswad (2017) But, unlike the western practice, women empowerment in the Arab world ads is uniquely expressed without having to reveal the women's bodies. The age-old ideology of beauty values (such as being skinny, white, blonde, etc.) was challenged a few years ago by the personal care brand Dove's "Real Beauty Campaign". The idea behind this campaign was to celebrate 'natural physical variations' among women and to inspire confidence in women to be comfortable with their bodies. Instead of the typical skinny models, the ad campaign used almost naked heavier, older women, women of all races and women without makeup (see photos for ex inhttps://www.stmuhistorymedia.org/the-campaign-of-a-century-doves-realbeauty/) . In the Middle East campaign, however, Dove knew it cannot reveal more of women's bodies than allowed to make a point, otherwise it would face unwanted repercussions. One recent transcreation of the campaign is a video that shows a modestly-dressed woman talking about her perception of real beauty as coming from the soul (Dove Arabia, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p0ERerzFvkI).Though the video promotes Dove's hair care products in the first place, the young woman, a hijab fashion blogger and influencer, covers most of her hair(Image 7.below).When the ST ideological value of revealing women's bodies is assimilated in the TT, the audience must feel identified with the ad intent.

Image 7. Beauty comes from the soul
Source: Dove Arabia (2019) As can be seen, despite the globalization, acceptance of many western ideological values is still limited in the Arab countries. Another case in point should be mentioned where challenging the TL ideologies may not be a good idea. Ahead of the 40 th National Day of the United Arab Emirates, the sportswear brand Puma launched an ad campaign of shoes in the colours of the UAE flag. There result was a fiasco. It sparked anger among Emiratis and Arabs living in the UAE who see the flag colours on footwear as an insult to a nation (Elwazer, 2011).The value of shoes for Arabs is being used to protect the feet from dirt, so they must accumulate dirt whenever they are worn. Therefore, Muslims do not wear shoes when they pray. Also, when people sit crossing their legs, they must make sure their shoes soles are not facing the person beside them. If the transcreators concerned were well-informed about all this, they would not blindly impose the SL ideology on the TL audience. After all, there could be global products but not global people.

CONCLUSION
The present paper has revealed that the concept of ideology has a two-fold meaning in advertising. It generally refers to the means used by marketers to persuade consumers to buy the products, and specifically to the values dearly-held by a group of people. Thus, an ad is considered a platform through which socio-cultural, political, and economic ideologies of a certain group of people, as represented in power relations of gender, race, religion or beauty values, can be reinforced and/or challenged. When most of ads are rendered to other languages, they are usually standardized (internationalized) due to the dominant ideology of economic and political globalization in the present world.
But when the ideological dimension of the TL is given priority, 'transcreation' takes over. Transcreation is more than translation per se. the transcreator has an added value for they possess a variety of skills that exceed those of the translators. Accordingly, it is postulated that the transcreator is to simultaneously maintain in the TL ad: firstly, proximity to the TL ideology so as to achieve resonance and avoid raising unwanted sensitivities of the TL audience, and secondly the adoption of creative and novel ideas without sacrificing the original ad intent. Against these seemingly-complementary postulations, a number of verbal and non-verbal ad transcreations into Arabic were investigated. It was found that the more different the SL and TL ideological values were, the more unrestricted transcreation would be. The consumers in the Arab World have the same demands as people everywhere. The examination of the examples concerned has shown that advertisers bear in mind that Arabic and Islam represent a unified ideology which is represented in the Arab people's sensitivities towards national identity, political, social, religious and gender values. The examples discussed in the present paper prove that transcreators have sought to introduce all possible verbal and non-verbal adjustments to make the ad campaigns succeed in the Arab market, but they have remained loyal to the original ideological intent, namely, the desire to promote globalized products. Interestingly, an equivocal role is discerned here. At the surface, an ad campaign transcreation seems to enhance, embrace, and encourage diversity of ideological values. But, considering the process, there is a more solid ideology of globalizing the consumers' traits, needs, and motives, which is inevitably kept intact.